by David Zenian
KIEV - After more than 300 years of almost uninterrupted Russian subjugation, Ukrainians today are hard at work re-establishing their identity.
But progress is slow, and facts like the country's near total reliance on Russian gas and oil - and thus the ability to starve its economy - cannot be ignored.
Unlike Armenia, where the ethnic language was almost unscathed during more than 70 years of Communist rule, large regions of Ukraine, especially in the east, were on the brink of total Russianization before independence 17 months ago.
"Russian was the official language of the Soviet Union, but in Ukraine, it was also the predominant language of every household. We were this close to losing our language," a young Ukrainian said holding his thumb and index finger a few millimeters apart.
"At the first meeting of the Ukrainian Parliament after the declaration of independence, people noticed that most of its members - including some top leaders - did not speak enough Ukrainian to conduct official business. That was the moment of truth. Something had to be done," he said.
Today public figures from politicians to television reporters and radio commentators are making every effort to stop using Russian. Some are actually learning Ukrainian for the first time in their adult lives.
If language and nationalism go hand in hand, so does religion. Unlike Armenia where allegiance is primarily to the Apostolic Church in Etchmiadzin, Ukrainians have only recently started to distance themselves from the Russian Orthodox church which for years dominated the nation's religious heritage. The Ukrainian Orthodox church is getting stronger every day.
Enhanced nationalism is also beginning to have a slow but positive effect in relations between the Ukrainians at home and their more than two million fellow Ukrainians in the Diaspora.
According to available statistics, more than 750,000 people of Ukrainian descent live in Canada alone. In North America, Ukrainian communities across the country sustain at least 50 parochial schools, six high schools, two junior colleges and an estimated 50 Saturday schools teaching language and culture.
But the bonding between the homeland and Diaspora has been slow and not as visible as that of some other former Soviet republics like Armenia and Lithuania.
Interviews with a cross section of people in Kiev reflected an element of envy for those independent states who have attracted not only Diaspora volunteers but also capital investment in local development projects.
"With such a large Diaspora, especially in Canada and the United States, we do not see the same enthusiasm as that of the Armenians or Lithuanians towards their homelands," said Natasha Bobyleva, an executive secretary at one of Kiev's few Western companies.
Others said that while some American or Canadian-Ukrainians were helping government agencies, there was no real influx into joint-ventures and investment in development projects.
"Unlike some relationships between homeland and Diaspora that have been mutually beneficial - and Armenia is a good example - Ukrainians have brought neither party much benefit," a recently published report said.
"Soviet Ukrainians were unable to utilize the Ukrainian communities abroad as a sorely needed window to the West, while the Ukrainian Diaspora was deprived of the cultural and demographic revitalization that it desperately needed," it said.
But things are changing, including Kiev's face. Unlike some other former Soviet cities, including Moscow, Kiev "is brighter and happier." The sight of municipal workers painting old bridges, trimming trees, cleaning not only main roads but also small alleyways, is a pleasant change.
While few people believe the official unemployment rate of 2.2 percent, poverty in Kiev is not as visible as Moscow. But life is just as difficult.
Housing, health care and other social services are only some of the chronic problems facing the society at large.
"Freedom had a price, and we are paying for it, but it'is worth it," Ms. Bobyleva said. "I am optimistic".
With annual exports of 36 billion to former Soviet republics, 3.6 billion to other countries, and a per capita GNP of $4,340, Ms. Babylova's optimism is not out of place.
